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Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789-1815 (Oxford History of the United States) |  | Author: Gordon S. Wood Brand: Spring Arbor/Ingram Category: Book
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Media: Hardcover Edition: 1St Edition Pages: 800 Number Of Items: 1 Shipping Weight (lbs): 2.5 Dimensions (in): 9.4 x 6.3 x 2.5
MPN: 9780195039146 ISBN: 0195039149 Dewey Decimal Number: 973.4 EAN: 9780195039146 ASIN: 0195039149
Publication Date: October 28, 2009 Availability: Usually ships in 1-2 business days
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Product Description The Oxford History of the United States is a multi-volume history of our nation. Now, in the newest volume in the series, Gordon S. Wood offers a brilliant account of the early American Republic, ranging from 1789 and the beginning of the national government to the end of the War of 1812. As Wood reveals, the period was marked by tumultuous change in all aspects of American life--in politics, society, economy, and culture. The men who founded the new government had high hopes for the future, but few of their hopes and dreams worked out quite as they expected. They hated political parties but parties nonetheless emerged. Some wanted the United States to become a great fiscal-military state like those of Britain and France others wanted the country to remain a rural agricultural state very different from the European states. Instead, by 1815 the United States became something neither group anticipated. Many leaders expected American culture to flourish and surpass that of Europe instead it became popularized and vulgarized. The leaders also hope to see the end of slavery instead, despite the release of many slaves and the end of slavery in the North, slavery was stronger in 1815 than it had been in 1789. Many wanted to avoid entanglements with Europe, but instead the country became involved in Europe s wars and ended up waging another war with the former mother country. Still, with a new generation emerging by 1815, most Americans were confident and optimistic about the future of their country. Publisher: Spring Arbor/Ingram, Oxford University Press 2009 Author: Gordon S. Wood Format: 800 pages, hardcover ISBN: 9780195039146
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Showing reviews 1-5 of 52
If you have a few hundred hours to kill, read this book July 14, 2010 A. R. Westra (New York) This is one of the best history books about arguably the most critical and formative period of American history. The book is a distillation of Gordon Wood's life work through which one learns how and why our legal and political systems evolved in a way that is so distinct from that of the rest of the world.
The title, Empire of Liberty, was Jefferson's phrase describing the United States, and early Republican ideals are a central theme to this book. While Jefferson may have been satisfied with the end result, the growth of the American system did not occur as he had intended. For example, Wood explains that Jefferson and the early Republicans initially sought to limit the powers of the judiciary, as they thought this branch of government was too monarchical. However, some of the same Republicans later came to support a strong judicial branch of government (an ideal that was initially proposed by Federalists), as a way to protect their individual rights and growing businesses.
In the end, the early Americans began to develop a system that embraced democracy while attempting curbing its excesses. This book explains the conflicting ideas that shaped our truly unique culture and government
empire of liberty July 10, 2010 Daniel R. Leslie Excellent service. The book arrived soon after ordering and in excellent condition. Thank you.
American history May 1, 2010 Bruce E. Jackson Lots of well-researched information that was not taught in high school honors history or college Americn history. Makes you think, wonder and question.
Not for the Faint of Heart April 15, 2010 CJA (Minneapolis, MN) 3 out of 3 found this review helpful
This is a brilliant but difficult book, which took me a few months to read. Wood writes well and is in absolute command of his material, but he does not write with the narrative flair of Kennedy or McPherson, the two most readable volumes of this series.
But your investment in this book will be rewarded if you stick with it. Wood demonstrates the nation's profound shift from an English republic dominated by an aristocratic elite in 1789 to a full fledged democracy by 1815. Wood may overstate the democratic status of the U.S. by 1815, and in the process does not give enough credit to the profound effect that Andrew Jackson had on the country in completing this transformation. But certainly the die is cast by 1815.
What is extraordinary about the book is Wood's ability to factor culture, the arts, everyday life, work, and society into his political analysis of the transformation of the nation in this period. The United States is profoundly different from Europe, and the nation's recognition of and belief in its own exceptionalism perhaps explains the strangeness of the War of 1812, an event I simply could not fathom until I read Wood's excellent book. Even this early in its history, the nation wanted to remake the world in its own image. The economic embargo and trade warfare was seen as a lever for forcing the warring European nations to abide by American principles of the free passage of goods and ideas over borders. Wood does not see the war as one of conquest (he sees the Canadian ventures as necessary to secure the frontier from British sponsorship of Indian wars), but as an assertion of American independence and desire to force Europe to accommodate its legitimate interests.
Viewed in this way, the presidencies of Madison and Jefferson come off as far more successful than has been the view of a number of critical historians. Wood points out that Madison in this respect understood the pulse of nation better than anyone else and was rewarded by having more towns named after him than any other President.
What is to explain this transformation of America in this period? Wood does not set out grand historical factors, and is more interested in documenting the transformation than in explaining it. But I think that Wood would probably agree that a lot has to do with the abundance of land and resources and the explosion of population. It's a variant of the "frontier" thesis: the entire country is the frontier given that even the heavily populated areas are not fully settled as they are in Europe. There is a fluidity of commerce, economic fortunes, and social class that makes this country different from the European nations. In Wood's words, America is a nation of the "middling" classes -- it makes up for the lack of a hypereducated, refined, and moneyed aristocracy with an enormous body of hard working middle classes dedicated to bettering themselves and the new nation.
Wood also portrays slavery as the cancer that threatens the system. Its feudal, class based, and increasingly racist nature is completely contrary to the Jefferson ideals of equality and individual dignity. In 1789, the consensus was that slavery was on its way to extinction; by 1815, the South knew better and understood its continued dependence on the institution. Failure to excise this tumor early in the nation's history led to its metastasis and to the ultimate Civil War.
While not an easy read, this is an extraordinary book -- one of the best works of American History.
A Love Letter to Thomas Jefferson April 3, 2010 Jonathan Zasloff 19 out of 20 found this review helpful
What an odd, brilliant, and maddening book. Wood is a very distinguished historian: his The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia) is required reading for any student of the revolution, and after several years' hiatus, he has come back with several outstanding works, most notably The Radicalism of the American Revolution and The Americanization of Benjamin Franklin. But like many great scholars, he has become infatuated with his own thesis, namely, that the revolution represented the beginning of a radical cultural transformation of America based on liberty and equality.. And because of this, in Empire of Liberty he makes several judgments of both coverage and assessment that are blinkered and often grotesquely unfair. The bottom line, as other reviewers have suggested, is that in order to adequately appreciate the politics of the early national period, you really should read Wood's work together with Elkins and Mckitrick's The Age of Federalism or Ellis' Founding Brothers and/or American Sphinx. That's a tall order, but Wood unfortunately makes us do it.
First, the good news. Empire of Liberty brilliantly succeeds in avoiding the "high politics" focus of traditional narrative history while also steering clear of dreary, overly technical and quantitative social history. Wood is at his best in this book as a CULTURAL historian, shrewdly demonstrating how the quarter-century between 1789 and 1815 manifested a transformation of American culture. His central organizing concept is that of the growing dominance of "middling sorts," who were neither aristocrats nor mere laborers but rather energetic men on the make (virtually always men), who used their wits and hard work to succeed, and who rejected the traditional deference to political and social elites. Again and again, Wood takes us into small farms and tinkerers' shops, across the Alleghenies and into new land subdivisions, and shows how the first generation of Americans embraced social mobility and a fluid upwardly mobile society. He is particularly brilliant in his discussion of religion, showing how new Protestant sects emerged and rejected the hierarchical nature of traditional Anglican and Congregationalist establishments.
It doesn't hurt that Wood is a superb writer. It is no small feat to actually explain Alexander Hamilton's financial program coherently and clearly, but Wood does it. He is able to keep the reader on the big picture of politics without drowning us in minutiae. And I believe he is particularly persuasive in breaking us out of the old "northern Federalists versus southern Jeffersonians" narrative of the period. Instead, his heroes are the NORTHERN Republicans, who embraced a commercial society and the acquisition of wealth while rejecting what they saw as Federalist condescension.
But he is so focused on these northerners and their Republicanism, so committed to his account of the rise of the middling sorts, so devoted to seeing the time as these people saw it, that he begins to lack all perspective. Jefferson is the hero of this book, and Wood spares no effort in somehow connecting Jefferson to all that was good and true in America during the period. He tries to see Jefferson as Jefferson saw himself. But that's a problem, for few figures in US history have been capable of such thoroughgoing self-deception as The Sage of Monticello. What we wind up with when it comes to assessing republicanism begins to look less like history and more like a propaganda exercise.
The searing, brutal contradiction at the heart of the Jeffersonians' world-view was, of course, their embrace of the slave system. "Why is it that we hear the loudest yelps for freedom from the drivers of Negroes?" asked Dr. Johnson, and while Wood snidely says that Jefferson understood the contradiction and needed no lecturing, he never really grapples with the way in which slavery affected, conditioned, influenced, and controlled every aspect of the Jeffersonian vision. We really hear nothing about slavery until more than 2/3 of the way through the book; Wood provides us with a superb chapter on slavery, and then basically forgets it again until a couple of paragraphs at the conclusion.
He consistently ignores, downplays, elides, or just overlooks what slavery meant politically to the Jeffersonian movement. He never considers the possibility that a key to Jefferson's hatred of national governmental power was the threat of controlling or removing the slave system. Throughout the book we read confident assertions about the meaning of America and Jeffersonian Republicanism, and then with the tag line "at least in the north." But what Wood conveniently fails to face squarely is that the Jeffersonian operation was based on SOUTHERN power: for all his talk about northern Jeffersonians, Jefferson himself and the others at the center of the Republican Party made very sure that the Virginians remained firmly in control. That was why they made sure to destroy Aaron Burr, the only northern Republican who could possibly have threatened them.
If that isn't bad enough, his treatment of the Federalists is just shockingly unfair. The majority of quotes concerning the Federalists, what they believed, and how they behaved comes from their Republican opponents. Virtually every time the word "Federalist" is mentioned, the adjective "aristocratic" precedes it. To hear Wood tell it, you'd never know that at the end of the day, much of the Federalist policy program survived because Jeffersonian attempts to dismantle it were met with catastrophic policy failure. Wood says that the War of 1812 was a triumph of Republicanism without ever getting around to the fact that, say, President Madison reconstituted the Bank of the United States in 1816 because getting rid of it in 1811 drove the country into bankruptcy. Or that the idea of a coherent American NATIONAL identity that eventually emerged was a central FEDERALIST policy goal. Or that the Federalists' insistence on a balanced economy with a substantial manufacturing base eventually came about; instead, you only hear that the manufacturing that emerged was bottom-up, not top-down, as the Federalists wanted. Except that they were far more diverse in thinking than that. No matter: the Federalists were aristocrats, and thus ANY development that was not aristocratic must have been Republican. He insists that northern middling sorts were were Republican because they hated taxes; but it was the success of Hamilton's financial program that enabled the states to reduce taxes. Wood talks about how building roads helped the middling sorts: but it was the Federalists, not the Jeffersonians, who supported it.
Wood mentions Federalist antislavery, but only in passing; why? Because paying more attention to it would have forced him to admit that many Federalists worked hard against slavery, defended Toussaint L'Ouverture's regime in Haiti, and that Jefferson undercut him. You would never know from Wood's account that Jefferson only triumphed in 1800 because of the south's inflated electoral vote total from the 3/5 clause (otherwise, Adams would have remained in office). But Wood can't tell you that, because that would undermine his assertion that there was huge popular love for Jefferson -- a fact that we know because, well, Jefferson said so!
I've gone on too long. This is an important and very good book. It is required reading. But beware. Wood has an agenda, and it's best that it not remain hidden.
Showing reviews 1-5 of 52
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